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Monday, March 31, 2014

Más población hispana no se refleja electoralmente

John Boehner, Cathy McMorris Rodgers, Eric Cantor, Bradley Byrne




WASHINGTON (AP) -- Algunos demógrafos dicen que Estados Unidos está adquiriendo un tono cobrizo. Las altas tasas de nacimiento entre los negros y los hispanos hacen que la población estadounidense sea cada vez menos blanca.
Estos cambios, sin embargo, casi no se notan en los distritos electorales que envían republicanos a la Cámara de Representantes, lo que contribuye a generar divisiones entre ese partido y los demócratas en relación con el tema de la inmigración.
Los líderes republicanos a nivel nacional han estado pidiéndole a sus legisladores que ayuden a captar el voto hispano, conscientes de que ese bloque de rápido crecimiento es vital.
Sin embargo, esos llamados no tienen eco entre muchos representantes republicanos, que se niegan a aprobar una legislación que regularice el status de unos 11 millones de inmigrantes que están en el país ilegalmente.
Para el presidente Barack Obama y los demócratas, mientras tanto, la reforma a las leyes de inmigración es una prioridad.
Consideraciones demográficas ayudan a explicar las divisiones.
Luego del censo de 2010, legisladores republicanos de estados clave reestructuraron los distritos electorales de modo tal que favorecieran a sus candidatos. Esto ayudó a que los republicanos conservasen una mayoría de 33 bancas en la cámara baja en 2012, pero al mismo tiempo los aisló mayormente de los cambios demográficos que se registran en buena parte del país.
Si bien la nación es cada vez más diversa, la mayoría de los distritos electorales representados por los republicanos son casi exclusivamente blancos, con una presencia mínima de sectores minoritarios.
"Eso no va a durar para siempre", advierte William Frey, demógrafo de la Brookings Institution. "Tarde o temprano, la demografía no ayudará a esos sectores que permanecen aislados".
En promedio, los distritos dominados por los republicanos son blancos en un 74%. Un 11% son hispanos y un 9% negros.
En comparación, solo el 51% de la población de los distritos representados por un demócrata es blanca. Un 23% son hispanos y un 17% negros.
A nivel nacional, los blancos no hispanos constituyen el 64% de la población, pero ese porcentaje ha ido descendiendo por años. La Oficina del Censo calcula que en los próximos 30 años los blancos dejarán de ser la mayoría. Hoy por hoy, sin ir más lejos, aproximadamente la mitad de los niños menores de cinco años pertenecen a minorías étnicas y raciales.
Los hispanos representan el 16% de la población de Estados Unidos y ese porcentaje seguirá aumentando, según las proyecciones del censo. Eso es lo que preocupa a algunos líderes republicanos.
En las elecciones presidenciales de 2012, el candidato republicano Mitt Romney cosechó apenas el 27% del voto hispano. Acto seguido el Comité Nacional Republicano hizo un estudio para ver el porqué de eso.
Una de sus conclusiones fue que el partido "debe apoyar y promover una reforma integral a las leyes de inmigración. De lo contrario, nuestra prédica quedará cada vez más reducida a nuestra base".
En el Senado algunos republicanos modificaron sus puntos de vista, encabezados por Marco Rubio, político conservador de ascendencia cubana considerado potencial candidato a la presidencia en 2016. A mediados del año pasado 14 republicanos se plegaron a los demócratas y aprobaron un proyecto de reforma que hubiera aumentado la seguridad en la frontera y despejado el camino para que los extranjeros que no tienen permiso de residencia saquen algún día la ciudadanía.
En enero de este año los líderes republicanos de la Cámara de Representantes anunciaron una serie de principios para una reforma que contemplaba la legalización de quienes están en el país sin permiso tras el pago de impuestos atrasados y de multas, pero no un camino especial hacia la ciudadanía, como postulan Obama y los demócratas.
Numerosos republicanos, no obstante, rechazaron esos principios, diciendo que equivalían a una amnistía. Una semana después, el líder de la mayoría en la cámara baja John Boehner dijo que las perspectivas de que se aprobase una reforma a las leyes de inmigración antes de las elecciones de noviembre eran prácticamente nulas.

ICE no aclara si arrestará o no a indocumentados en las cortes

ICE se niega a aclarar si seguirá arrestando a indocumentados que realizan trámites en tribunales municipals

Border Crossing
    

PUBLICADO: EST Mar 28, 2014 8:22 pm EST
Ante las crecientes denuncias de diversos estados del país de la presencia y actividad de agentes de la Agencia de Inmigración y Aduanas (ICE) en tribunales municipales, donde han pedido papeles y arrestado a personas que realizan trámites ajenos a su estatus migratorio, portavoces de ICE confirmaron esta semana que había revisado su política al respecto, pero indicaron que no podían explicar en qué consistía el cambio.
“Es un asunto legal delicado y por ello no podemos dar a conocer los detalles específicos de la nueva guía que han recibido nuestros agentes”, dijo la agencia en un comunicado oficial. Portavoces también indicaron que se sigue aplicando un memorándum de 2011 en el que se recomienda a sus agentes evitar actividades en “áreas sensibles” como iglesias, escuelas y marchas de protesta, entre otros.
La lista no incluye a tribunales y por lo visto, estos no se consideran “áreas sensibles”, aún tomando en cuenta que muchos inmigrantes y todo tipo de personas acuden a ellos para resolver problemas con la ley, pagar multas de tráfico y hacer denuncias de violencia doméstica y disputas familiares.
El anuncio de un “cambio” sin una explicación acerca del mismo, dejó insatisfecha a la  Unión de Libertades Civiles Americanas (ACLU) que desde hace meses viene documentando denuncias de abogados y grupos no lucrativos en varios estados sobre las actividades de agentes de ICE en tribunales municipales de California, Washington DC, Indiana, Kentucky, Nebraska, Nueva York, Tennessee y Wisconsin.
“No hemos visto la nueva “guía” que ha dado ICE a sus agentes, por lo tanto no sabemos si resuelve los problemas que causa el enviar agentes a un tribunal a aplicar leyes migratorias”, dijo Joanne Lin, asesora legal legislativa de la ACLU en DC. “Pero para calmar los temores de la comunidad, el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional debe dar a conocer el contenido de esta directiva al público en forma inmediata”.
La Opinión había reportado en octubre de 2013 y luego en febrero de este año que agentes de ICE estaban interrogando y arrestando a personas que se acercaban al tribunal municipal del condado de Kern, en Bakersfield y que también habían seguido a sus casas y deportado a personas que se presentaron a trámites de tráfico en ese tribunal.
ICE había indicado que estaba “revisando” las denuncias y limitando su actividad en los tribunales, pero al parecer terminaron dicha revisión recientemente, emitiendo nuevas reglas internas que ahora no quieren dar a conocer públicamente.
Las denuncias por interrogatorios y arrestos en diversos tribunales en varios estados han llegado a preocupar a miembros de la legislatura estatal en California y también en Wisconsin, quienes han manifestado su preocupación por medio de cartas. La legislatura de Wisconsin envió una carta a la agencia ICE expresando su “gran preocupación” por las actividades de ICE en tribunales de numerosos condados de Wisconsin, indicando además que estos agentes se enfocan en personas de habla hispana, enfocándose especialmente en sus actividades en los “días de español” de las cortes que se realizan en ese estado.
“Nos parece que están usando perfil racial contra personas latinas y personas que no hablan inglés”, señala la misiva enviada el mes pasado a ICE en una carta con membrete de la legislatura de Wisconsin.
El congresista John Yarmuth, de Kentucky, escribió también a la agencia para que investigaran el caso de un pastor de Louisville, Elmer Zavala Gonzalez, que acompañó a uno de sus feligreses a la corte y que estando allí fue interrogado por un agente de ICE, quien luego amenazó con arrestarlo cuando este le preguntó por qué le pedía papeles.
ICE contestó al congresista indicando que el caso “sería investigado”.

Wednesday, March 26, 2014

Obamacare and Latinos

   

Latinos Staying On The Sidelines Of Health Care Overhaul

LATINOS OBAMACARE

WASHINGTON (AP) — The nation's largest minority group risks being left behind by President Barack Obama's health care overhaul.
Hispanics account for about one-third of the nation's uninsured, but they seem to be staying on the on the sidelines as the White House races to meet a goal of 6 million sign-ups by March 31.
Latinos are "not at the table," says Jane Delgado, president of the National Alliance for Hispanic Health, a nonpartisan advocacy network. "We are not going to be able to enroll at the levels we should be enrolling at."
That's a loss both for Latinos who are trying to put down middle-class roots and for the Obama administration, experts say.
Hispanics who remain uninsured could face fines, not to mention exposing their families to high medical bills from accidents or unforeseen illness. And the government won't get the full advantage of a group that's largely young and healthy, helping keep premiums low in the new insurance markets.
"The enrollment rate for Hispanic-Americans seems to be very low, and I would be really concerned about that," says Brookings Institution health policy expert Mark McClellan. "It is a large population that has a lot to gain ... but they don't seem to be taking advantage." McClellan oversaw the rollout of Medicare's prescription drug benefit for President George W. Bush.
The Obama administration says it has no statistics on the race and ethnicity of those signing up in the insurance exchanges, markets that offer subsidized private coverage in every state. Consumers provide those details voluntarily, so federal officials say any tally would be incomplete and possibly misleading.
But concern is showing through, and it's coming from the highest levels.
"You don't punish me by not signing up for health care," Obama told Hispanic audiences during a recent televised town hall. "You're punishing yourself or your family."
Like a candidate hunting for votes in the closing days of a campaign, Obama was back on Hispanic airwaves Monday as Univision Radio broadcast his latest pitch.
"The problem is if you get in an accident, if you get sick, or somebody in your family gets sick, you could end up being bankrupt," the president said.
Only last September, three of five Latinos supported the national overhaul, according to the Pew Research Center. Approval dropped sharply during October, as technical problems paralyzed the health care rollout and the Spanish-language version of the HealthCare.gov website. Hispanics are now evenly divided in their views.
A big Gallup survey recently showed tepid sign-up progress. While the share of African-Americans who are uninsured dropped by 2.6 percentage points this year, the decline among Hispanics was just 0.8 percentage point.
In California, where Latinos account for 46 percent of those eligible for subsidized coverage through the exchange, they represented 22 percent of those who had enrolled by the end February and had also volunteered their race or ethnicity. The state is scrambling to improve its numbers in this week's home stretch.
Experts cite overlapping factors behind disappointing Latino sign-ups:
— A shortage of in-person helpers to guide consumers. "In our community, trust and confidence is so important — you want to make sure it's OK before you share all this personal information," Delgado said. There's been a lack of "culturally sensitive" outreach to Latinos, added Rep. Lloyd Doggett, D-Texas.
— Fear that applying for health care will bring unwelcome scrutiny from immigration authorities. The health insurance exchanges are only for citizens and legal U.S. residents, but many Hispanic families have mixed immigration status. Some members may be native born, while others might be here illegally. Obama has tried to dispel concerns, repeatedly saying that information on applications will not be shared with immigration authorities.
—The decision by many Republican-led states not to expand Medicaid, as they could under the law. With states like Texas and Florida refusing to expand Medicaid, many low-income Latinos will remain uninsured. However, Medicaid expansion is separate from coverage on the exchanges, which is available in every state. Latinos don't seem motivated to sign up for that, either.
— Technical difficulties that delayed the federal government's Spanish-language enrollment site. CuidadoDeSalud.gov has also had to cope with clunky translations.
Delgado's group is asking the administration to extend the March 31 deadline for Latinos who got tangled up in website problems. Officials say that's not likely. However, they haven't ruled out a little extra time for anyone who started an application but wasn't able to finish by the deadline.
A recent enrollment outreach event in Houston drew Mary Nunez, who works with her self-employed husband in the florist business. They have been uninsured since she lost her job last year. In that time, she's only been to a doctor once — to get a refill on blood-pressure medication.
"Praise the Lord, we haven't gotten sick," said Nunez, adding that she knows luck eventually will run out.
She made an appointment for in-person assistance to review her options on the Texas exchange. But since the couple's income fluctuates from month to month, she was uncertain how much they could afford. A deadline is looming, she noted, and "Hispanics always leave it for the last minute."












Monday, March 24, 2014

País plutocrático



 
Denise Dresser
24 Mar. 14

Cada vez que Forbes publica la lista de los multimillonarios mexicanos, el país debería ponerse a pensar. Cada vez que allí aparece un rico que ha hecho su fortuna expoliando a México, su población debería preguntar. ¿Cómo han acumulado tanta riqueza? ¿Se debe a su extraordinario talento empresarial o a las conexiones políticas que han logrado construir? ¿Se debe a la innovación que han impulsado o al rentismo del cual se han aprovechado? ¿Han creado su fortuna gracias a los buenos servicios y productos que ofrecen al consumidor o han ascendido a la cima exprimiéndolo? La revista The Economist se hace las mismas preguntas para entender por qué hay tantos mercados emergentes con plutócratas poderosos. Con empresarios que siempre buscan una tajada mayor del pastel y no cómo hacerlo crecer.

Y la razón principal se debe al fenómeno extendido del rentismo (rent-seeking). Una forma de cobrar de más por aquello que debería costar menos. Una forma de abuso, de explotación, de aprovechamiento que ocurre en mercados imperfectos, poco regulados, monopolizados, con poca o nula competencia. El rentismo en México se da a través de la colusión entre empresas para mantener precios elevados. Se da a través del cabildeo para obtener leyes que protegen al empresario mientras abusan del consumidor. Se da cada vez que Telmex o Telcel o Elektra o Televisa o Compartamos o cualquier banco o cualquier proveedor de servicios los cobra por encima del precio que deberían tener. Se da cuando el gobierno mexicano regala concesiones y otorga licencias y privatiza bienes públicos sin imponer reglas para su aprovechamiento. Se da cuando el gobierno se pone al servicio de quienes debería regular.

Creando así el capitalismo de cuates. El capitalismo de cómplices. El capitalismo sobre el cual The Economist elabora un índice de 23 países en los cuales el rentismo -permitido y avalado por el gobierno- es un problema estructural. Enlista los sectores más susceptibles al rentismo como los casinos. Como el carbón. Como la banca. Como la infraestructura y los gaseoductos. Como el petróleo, el gas, los químicos y otras formas de energía. Como los puertos y los aeropuertos. Como los bienes raíces y la construcción. Como la minería. Como las telecomunicaciones. Industrias que son vulnerables a los monopolios o a las concesiones o al involucramiento estatal. Sectores propensos a la corrupción según Transparencia Internacional. Áreas que en México son manejadas por magnates.

Ámbitos económicos en los cuales los multimillonarios han crecido de forma fenomenal. En el mundo en desarrollo su riqueza se ha duplicado, relativa al tamaño de la economía y asciende a 4 por ciento del PIB, comparado con 2 por ciento en 2000. Los mercados emergentes -como México- contribuyen 42 por ciento de la producción a nivel global, pero 65 por ciento de la riqueza vía el capitalismo de cuates. Y en ese índice que refleja la corrupción y el amiguismo y los favores y la protección regulatoria y las privatizaciones mal hechas México ocupa el séptimo lugar. Detrás de Hong Kong, Rusia, Malasia, Ucrania, Singapur, y Filipinas. Rusia, según el índice, está allí por la forma en la cual los oligarcas se apropiaron de los recursos naturales. México está allí por Carlos Slim y otros como él. Los plutócratas de un país que les permite serlo.

El índice es una guía imperfecta pero ilustrativa de la concentración de la riqueza en sectores opacos, comparada con lo que ocurre en sectores competitivos. El índice revela lo mucho que falta por hacer y que México -poco a poco- ya está haciendo. Con la ley de Competencia Económica. Con la declaración de empresas preponderantes que ha hecho el Instituto Federal de Telecomunicaciones, junto con acciones para limitar el rentismo que practican. Con las reformas al sistema judicial. Lo que es cada vez más claro es que los inversionistas a nivel global se están volviendo más quisquillosos. Más exigentes. Menos dispuestos a invertir en países con mercados opacos y mala gobernanza.

Es en este rubro donde el capitalismo de cuates -construido sobre un sistema legal disfuncional- sigue limitando el potencial del país. Según el World Justice Project, México ocupa el lugar 79 de 99 países en cuanto al funcionamiento del Estado de Derecho. Porque la corrupción continúa. Porque las reformas judiciales no han sido lo suficientemente completas y falta medir su impacto. Porque los jueces todavía se venden y las sentencias todavía se compran. Y porque la plutocracia prospera en un país que sigue exaltando su existencia.


Leer más: http://www.reforma.com/editoriales/nacional/735/1468970/#ixzz2wtx4IGCC
Follow us: @reformacom on Twitter

Friday, March 21, 2014

TMZ shows it's true colors








TMZ trashes community college with racist rant

When Miss Mexico and former Mt. SAC student Beatriz Cazares, 27, walked into the spotlights and microphones of the press in Hollywood, she greeted them with grace, style and enthusiasm. Little did she know that entertainment news show TMZ would not only ridicule her for being a Mexican without an accent, but would also go on to bash her for attending Mt. SAC Community College and pursuing a community college education.
Although the TMZ interview with Cazares may have consisted of other questions, producers chose to air only one: “How was it tonight?”
She gushed as she talked of her wonderful experience as a contestant in the Miss Queen of the Universe contest. Immediately after her response, TMZ commented on her nonexistent Mexican accent and went on to attack her for attending Mt. SAC. They continued using Mt. SAC as the brunt of their jokes, making fun of a community college education and throwing out insults like saying that only seven students have ever graduated the college. TMZ host Harvey Levin continued to laugh hysterically at the idea of someone attending a community college.
Their only chance at redemption was lost when one of their staff members admitted to attending the college, but even after his failed attempt to defend Mt. SAC, he joined his peers as they mocked not only Miss Mexico, but the more than 52,000 students attending Mt. SAC. Cazares said she was at a loss for words when she saw the TMZ footage that aired on Monday.
“Shame on them,” said Cazares. “It was really insulting. I was shocked and disgusted.” She said that discrediting someone’s reputation and talking bad against their education is unfair and that so many amazing people come out of community colleges.
“I feel very proud of this community college, especially the help,” Cazares said. “Don’t go putting down a community college. Some of us simply do not have the resources to attend a university.”
This is not the first time TMZ has been accused of racism. Kim Kardashian recently called out TMZ for being racist against her and Kanye West as an interracial couple. In 2012, TMZ interviewed the Mexican rock group Mana and asked them a racist question, “American rock bands get underwear thrown at them; do you get underwear thrown at you or Tapatio packets?”
As for the insults flung at Mt. SAC, the college is not only known for its academic achievements, but also for its outstanding athletics program, which has turned out NFL superstars such as Delanie Walker and Superbowl winners Antonio Pierce and Bruce Irvin and a stadium that will host the 2020 Olympic Trials.  Various programs, such as forensics, journalism, theatre, and music to name just a few, have gone on to win national competitions beating major universities for first place. The student success stories are endless, with transfer students going on to attend the most prestigious universities.
Jim Jenkins, Dean of Humanities and Social Sciences, was appalled.
“I think it’s always difficult to watch something where people who have an established voice within the system, [and] use that voice to put people down who don’t have the same voice,” said Jenkins. “Who knows what this achievement means to her, but it is hard won and hard worked for, and for them to mock it is rather pathetic.”
In response to the claim by TMZ that only seven students have graduated from Mt. SAC, last year alone, 4,247 students earned a degree, and 946 transferred to a four-year institution. TMZ could not be reached for comment.
Jenkins wanted to remind students of not only why they attend Mt. SAC, but also why the faculty and staff keep coming to work every day.
“Teachers, managers, and faculty deeply, profoundly, and genuinely care about their time here, no one is doing it for the money. It is for the opportunity to change [students] lives,” said Jenkins. “We believe in them and their potential, there is nothing more worthy of our time than their future, keep going.”
Cazares, who was born in Mexico and raised in California since the age of 3, is representing her native country as Miss Mexico in the Queen of the Universe 2014 pageant. She was pursuing a business degree at Mt. SAC and planned to transfer UCLA but put her plans on hold in the summer of 2013 to focus on the pageant. Cazares said she wants to be a role model for Hispanic women and children.
“If I can be a role model to anyone, I feel blessed,” Cazares said.

Wednesday, March 19, 2014

Elvira Arellano y otros activistas cruzan la frontera




TIJUANA, México.- La activista mexicana Elvira Arellano se entregó hoy a las autoridades de inmigración de Estados Unidos, a quienes solicitará un permiso humanitario para regresar al país del que fue deportada en 2007.
Acompañada de sus dos hijos, la defensora de derechos humanos cruzó la frontera junto al cuarto y último grupo de inmigrantes del movimiento "Bring Them Home", quienes pedirás visas humanitarias o asilo.
Arellano, nombrada "Persona del Año" en 2006 por la revista TIME, dijo estar consciente de que podría llegar a prisión federal, pero aseguró que es un riesgo que hay que tomar para enviar un mensaje al presidente de Estados Unidos, Barack Obama, de que es tiempo de frenar las deportaciones que separan familias.
"Es una forma de protestar al presidente Obama, que él no ha cumplido con su promesa de reforma migratoria", señaló minutos antes de entregarse en la garita de Otay Mesa, California.
La activista llegó a la garita junto a otras 30 personas, en su mayoría madres con sus hijos y algunos estudiantes indocumentados.
"Voy a solicitar mi entrada y voy a ver si el presidente Obama es capaz de deportarme nuevamente", declaró.
Asimismo, denunció que las autoridades federales se mostraron "agresivas" con algunos inmigrantes que han formado parte de este movimiento, a quienes han "intimidado" para que firmen su deportación.
"Yo sé de todos estos riesgos y que pueden poner un ejemplo conmigo, y quieran ponerme en prisión federal, pero estoy dispuesta a luchar para que estas familias regresen a casa", aseguró y señaló que luchará para quedarse en el país, donde quiere hacer una vida con sus hijos.
Su hijo Saúl, ahora de 15 años, pidió al presidente Obama que se "sensibilice", y permita a su madre regresar al país, que ellos consideran su casa.
"Ha sido difícil, he estado fuera de mi país de origen, hice mi vida en México pero ahorita queremos intentar cruzar a los Estados Unidos, donde merezco vivir", dijo la activista.

Elvira Arellano

En 2002, las autoridades federales emitieron una orden de arresto contra Arellano tras una redada en el aeropuerto de Chicago, donde trabajaba sin documentos.
Para evitar separarse de su hijo, quien es ciudadano estadounidense, Arellano buscó refugio en una iglesia de Chicago, donde vivió por espacio de un año. Finalmente, en agosto de 2007, fue arrestada en Los Ángeles y deportada a México.


Monday, March 17, 2014

McCain to DHS: More info needed on released detainees



By Daniel González The Republic|azcentral.com


U.S. Sen. John McCain renewed demands Thursday for the Department of Homeland Security to turn over additional information on 2,226 immigration detainees freed a year ago for budget reasons, including whether any committed crimes after their release.
McCain and U.S. Sen. Carl Levin, D-Mich., also want to know if any Immigration and Customs Enforcement or DHS officials were disciplined for their decision to release "dangerous" detainees during the last week of February 2013.
"Because of the ongoing threat detainees with multiple felony convictions might pose to the public, it is important that we obtain clear and current information," McCain and Levin wrote in a letter sent to Homeland Security Secretary Jeh Johnson.
McCain wrote the letter as ranking Republican member of the U.S. Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. Levin is the panel's chairman.
The letter cited a March 7 article in The Arizona Republic that reported ICE officials were still refusing to give the names, criminal histories and whereabouts of 2,226 freed immigration detainees, including 622 with criminal records.
The mass release prompted an outcry last year from Arizona Gov. Jan Brewer, Pinal County Sheriff Paul Babeu and many Republican members of Congress, who cited public-safety concerns.
Many Democrats also criticized the release, saying it showed ICE is wasting tax dollars by detaining many immigrants who pose little risk of fleeing or threat to the public.
The Republic's article said that ICE officials had trickled out only limited information about the detainees and some of the information contained significant discrepancies, including the number of released detainees classified as Level 1 or Level 2 because of their prior criminal convictions.
ICE officials told McCain and Levin that 32CQ detainees classified as Level 1, the highest-risk, had been released. However, that number conflicted with the 10CQ Level 1 offenders ICE told other lawmakers had been released. ICE also told McCain and Levin that 80CQ level 2 detainees had been released but told other lawmakers that 159CQ had been released.
McCain and Levin gave Johnson until April 6 to clear up the discrepancies and to provide the additional information. showing:
Whether any additional detainees with criminal histories been released since February 2013 because of budget concerns and if so what crimes had they committed.
How many of the 622CQ detainees with criminal histories released in February 2013CQ were level 1 or level 2 offenders.
The number of level 1 or level 2 offenders released in February 2013 who had been taken back into custody because they were arrested or convicted of crimes again after their initial release.
• The circumstances of any detainees taken back into custody as well as a breakdown of any new arrests or convictions.
The names of the 2,226CQ detainees released, and the whereabouts of all level 1 and level 2 offenders released.
ICE and DHS officials could not be reached Thursday for comment.
Reporter Dan Nowicki contributed to this story.
 

Thursday, March 6, 2014

8 Reasons Los Angeles Depends On Mexico To Survive



Main Entry Image

Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti is in Mexico City on a three-day trade mission he says underscores the reasons why the City of Angeles needs its south of the border neighbor to survive economically in the coming years.
At the same time, Garcetti says Los Angeles offers Mexico its best in strengthening its own economy.
“So here’s to two great cities who are sisters, two mayors who are now brothers, and to all of us seeing a future that will be written together,” said Garcetti, whose paternal grandfather was Mexican.
In a nutshell, these are the top 8 reasons L.A needs Mexico:
1. To Beat Other U.S. Cities Looking at Mexico
Right off the bat Garcetti signed an agreement called the “Los Angeles-Mexico City International Cities Economic Alliance,” with Mexico City Mayor Miguel Angel Mancera Espinosa, in an effort to broaden shared economic goals, investments and trade. Other U.S cities also look to Mexico for investment and trade opportunities but L.A aims to be the go-to partner of the North American country when it comes to either of these.
2. To Expand Business at the Port
City officials believe that attracting more cruise ships from Mexico into stops at the Port of Los Angeles could spark not only port trade but also business from the tourists coming off of those ships. With an eye on their spending dollars, Los Angeles wants to be a glittering tourist destination for these cruise goers who otherwise might not have stepped foot in L.A.
3. To Serve as a Magnet for Investors
Monday evening Garcetti met with 200 Mexican industrialists in a private closed-door session to pitch his city as a place to invest, acknowledging there are environmental rules that must be navigated but indicating there may be inducements for doing so. Los Angeles is thirsty for investors, and exerting somewhat of a gravitational pull on investment dollars is high on the city’s agenda.
4. To Push Its Home Businesses
With franchise restaurants facing tough times, Tuesday morning Los Angeles Mayor Garcetti showed off a major expansion of LA-based Panda Express restaurants in Mexico as an example of what businesses from Los Angeles can offer its neighbors. Being able to sell local restaurant chains and other businesses to the Mexican people is a way for LA to increase its capital.
5. To Share its High Tech Opportunities
Earlier this week Garcetti also met with the U.S. ambassador to Mexico as well as the mayor of Mexico City, discussing the potential for cross-border sharing of technology and development.
6. To be on top of the Immigration Reform wave
With the second largest population of Mexican nationals outside of Mexico City, Los Angeles officials want to continue being “a community with a heart” as the country moves slowly to an overhaul of immigration laws. Being ahead of the curve on the immigration reform wave could play favorably in L.A’s future business relations with Mexico.
7. To Further Entertainment Ties
As more film and television productions move to Canada and states with tax breaks, Los Angeles hopes it can offer incentives of its own for production companies to remain in Tinseltown and for foreign filmmakers like those in Mexico to increase their links with Hollywood.
8. To Foster Academic Partnerships
Garcetti will particpate in signing ceremonies between Loyola Marymount University and the Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México establishing an education exchange program, as well as between California State University, Northridge and the National Autonomous University of Mexico setting up a Center for Mexico and Latin American Studies at the Northridge campus.
“We’re a global city and part of a global economy, and local jobs in L.A. depends on those strong ties that we have,” Garcetti told reporters. “So I”m gonna be out there as the mayor of L.A. hustling for that investment, to get those contracts.”
Garcetti claims Mexico is already a critical partner for Los Angeles’ economy as the city’s second-largest export market and one of the county’s largest sources of foreign investment.
In 2010, the last year these figures were available and recorded by the Brookings Institute, total trade between Los Angeles and Mexico amounted to $14.91 billion, and trade between L.A. and Mexico City alone was $2.18 billion.
Originally published on VOXXI as 8 reasons L.A needs Mexico

Wednesday, March 5, 2014

Police checked immigration status even before SB 1070

SB 1070 Santa Cruz County Sheriff's Department

Chad Matthews, a Santa Cruz County sergeant and a 13-year department veteran, said deputies primarily enforce state law but refer what they find to Border Patrol as a gesture of respect. “They give us the same courtesy,” he says.

 By Carli Brosseau and Perla Trevizo Arizona Daily Star

Law-enforcement officers along the border approached and detained people suspected of recently crossing into the country illegally even before Arizona’s tough new immigration law.
One of SB 1070’s most contentious provisions requires local officers to try to check legal status anytime they stop someone and then come to suspect that person is not authorized to be in the United States.
But in the last three years, Southern Arizona agencies called the Border Patrol in more than 80 cases when they didn’t suspect a state or local offense — or at least none they recorded. And in a handful of reports, officers said they approached people for looking like a “UDA,” an undocumented alien.
The Arizona Daily Star reviewed immigration-related records from 13 area departments as part of its analysis of the impact of SB 1070. The stops that made no mention of a state or local offense took place both before and after the so-called “show me your papers” provision took effect in September 2012 and happened most frequently in areas closest to the border.
Police chiefs and sheriffs defend “consensual contacts” — engaging someone in a voluntary conversation — and sometimes using information from that contact as the basis for calling the Border Patrol. They say they don’t specifically go after illegal immigrants and in many cases respond to border crossers lost in the desert.
Especially along the border, officers consider immigration referrals a professional courtesy to federal agents and a token acknowledgment of their interdependency.
Officers take an oath to uphold not only local laws, but also federal ones. It’s their job to look for people and behaviors that seem out of place.
“We have a responsibility to be curious, and unfortunately, suspicious,” Santa Cruz County Sheriff Tony Estrada said.
REASONS PEOPLE ARE STOPPED
It is illegal for police to stop someone based on race or national origin, but some of the factors Arizona officers are allowed to consider in developing reasonable suspicion of unlawful status are just a small step away.
Among them are dirty clothes, outfits that are fashionable in Mexico and poor English skills.
People approached in consensual-contact cases fit a common profile in police reports: Hispanic men from southern Mexico who speak little English and are dressed in soiled clothes. They are often walking or sitting in the shade.
Some people referred to the Border Patrol were coming out of the hills or were in an urban area where people regularly jump the border fence. Others were walking into J.C. Penney or Circle K or simply strolling down the sidewalk.
Officers often cited nervousness and glances toward the ground as a reason for initiating a conversation, which almost always starts with a request to see identification. Pedestrians are not required to carry ID and legally can choose whether to talk or walk away when an officer approaches them on the side of a street.
But civil-rights advocates say few people know that — and many of those ultimately referred to the Border Patrol showed a foreign ID.
“When somebody is approached by an armed law enforcement official, many people assume that they are being stopped and they are not necessarily free to just ignore the questions and walk away, even though they are,” said James Lyall, an attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union in Tucson.
The officer is under no obligation to explain that responding or showing ID is voluntary.
“If you are not suspected of a crime, you do not have to say anything to an official, and if you are suspected of a crime, you only have to give your name,” Lyall said. “People have the right to remain silent and don’t necessarily know that.”
In May 2012, a Douglas police officer approached Efrain Calvo Herrera while he sat on a bench outside the Oasis Bar, near a food pantry.
In his report, the officer wrote that Herrera was wearing muddy work boots and more than one pair of pants, with the outer layer turned inside out. He wrote that Herrera spoke little English.
Based on that information, the officer called the Border Patrol. He made no mention in the report of any state or local violation.
Herrera got antsy as the officer kept asking questions and refused to stay seated while the officer approached a group of men Herrera said included his brother.
Soon, three officers were at the scene. Herrera ran, and an officer tried to use a Taser to stop him.
He was taken into Border Patrol custody after agents determined the Oaxaca native entered the country illegally.
SOME STOPPED ONLY FOR IMMIGRATION STATUS checks
Some of the incident reports the Star reviewed suggest more explicitly the only reason officers stopped someone was to enforce immigration law.
In one 2010 case, a Cochise County sheriff’s deputy wrote: “Believing they were UDAs made contact with them and conducted a FI (field interview). Learned they were both Mexican nationals. Contacted dispatch to request BP meet me at substation.”
He didn’t detail how he determined unlawful status.
In another case that year, the same deputy wrote: “Traveling southbound observed male subject walking northbound directly in front of Longhorn Tavern. Suspected to be possibly UDA. Contact made with subject at which time I determined he was UDA. Transported to CCSO substation in Elfrida and BP was advised to meet with me. BP took custody.”
In a third, he wrote: “While on patrol, observed a male subject seated on a bench next to the produce wagon. Believing the subject was possibly a UDA, conducted a FI. Upon speaking with subject, discovered he was in fact UDA. BP contacted and advised since I was reasonably close to BP checkpoint, would transport him to location.”
Cochise County Sheriff Mark Dannels, who was elected in late 2012, didn’t respond to questions about whether the deputy acted appropriately at the time or under today’s standards. Speaking in general, he said the elements that make up reasonable suspicion of unlawful status should be included in a report.
Cochise County’s 86 deputies referred at least 34 people to the Border Patrol in cases that began as consensual encounters over the past three years.
DEBATING THE LEGALITY
OF DETAINING SOMEONE
Developing reasonable suspicion that a person is in the country illegally doesn’t necessarily mean a local law-enforcement official can detain him.
Officers need to suspect a crime to hold someone or transport him to the nearest Border Patrol station.
While jumping the fence is a crime, being in the country illegally after overstaying a visa is a civil violation — one that local officers don’t have the authority to enforce. All they can do is let the Border Patrol know about it.
If the Border Patrol says agents are on their way and asks the officer to detain someone accused only of a civil immigration offense, it’s a gray area whether the officer can do that, and how long of a wait would be considered reasonable, said Gabriel Chin, a professor at the University of California-Davis School of Law. The question hasn’t yet been litigated.
In most cases the Star reviewed, an officer held the suspect until the Border Patrol arrived. Because there are so many agents along the border, waiting time is rarely an issue, law-enforcement leaders said. But officers rarely record waiting times in their incident reports.
Especially in stops far from the U.S.-Mexico line, Border Patrol agents don’t always arrive within a window that could be justified as “reasonable,” the legal standard.
In December 2012, Martín Díaz Félix was walking along the side of busy North Oracle Road in Oro Valley when an officer stopped him for walking in the same direction as traffic.
The officer asked for an ID, and Félix showed him a card issued by Southside Worker Center, a program of the Southside Presbyterian Church that supports day laborers. When the officer asked where he was going, Félix said he was picking up a check for a construction job.
After a records check showed he had never had an Arizona license and he couldn’t provide a passport or visa, Félix confessed he was in the country illegally.
The officer handcuffed him and called the Border Patrol, which estimated an agent would be there within 30 minutes. More than 50 minutes later, the agent still hadn’t arrived, so the officer let Félix free, telling him to cross the street and walk against traffic.
The Border Patrol picked him up five minutes later down the road.

Monday, March 3, 2014

SB 1070 frustrations at boil for protesters,police

Yvonne Billotte
 

The immigration-status checks SB 1070 requires are not always as simple as a request for information sent over the radio.
More and more, police officers are surrounded by activists, many of them holding video recorders and asking a long list of questions.
Frustrated with immigration reform stalled in Congress and increased cooperation between local police and the Border Patrol, immigrant-rights activists have escalated their civil-disobedience campaign. Over the past year, routine news conferences gave way to people lying in the street before the wheels of a Border Patrol vehicle.
On Oct. 8, the campaign intensified when more than 100 activists encircled a Border Patrol vehicle holding a driver and passenger Tucson police had stopped because of an improperly lighted license plate. The protest lasted more than an hour, required the deployment of two dozen police and Border Patrol agents, and ended only after a barrage of pepper spray.
Law-enforcement officials, increasingly wary of drawing a crowd, are shifting their tactics, too. Instead of the Border Patrol showing up at the site of a traffic stop, an agent might ask police to meet at a neutral location. Agents might also show up at a traffic stop disguised in plain clothes and an unmarked car.
Some officers are taking people they have detained directly to the Border Patrol’s gated campus on South Swan Road. Others are booking people into jail if it’s an option. The jail staff checks the immigration status of everyone booked.
One month after the October protest, Tucson police stopped Alberto García, a 31-year-old day laborer from Guatemala, because a records check showed a mandatory insurance suspension on the vehicle he was driving. When the officer asked for proof of who he was, García, who had no driver’s license, showed the officer an ID issued by Southside Presbyterian Church.
García’s lack of state-issued ID and difficulty speaking English prompted the officer to call the Border Patrol to identify him, said Sgt. Chris Widmer, a Tucson Police Department spokesman.
But before a border agent arrived, a group of eight to 10 activists with a video camera arrived, knocking on the officer’s window and asking why García was being arrested, the police report said. Fearing a repeat of the October protest, he drove away with García in handcuffs, inviting the agent to follow him.
The officer and agent drove to the west-side substation, where they passed through a gate that kept activists from following. The agent confirmed García’s unauthorized status, and police decided to book him into jail for the crime of driving without a license, a violation for which people are usually cited and released.
García is out on a $1,500 immigration bond.
Chief sees safety hazard
Police are shifting their responses to protect officer safety, said William Lackey, chief of police in South Tucson, which also has been under heavy scrutiny from activists.
“You have a driver, and you have 10, 15, 20 people respond and they are not quiet, they are saying ‘police shouldn’t be here,’ ‘get out of here.’ It’s a public safety hazard,” he said.
Like Tucson police, in some cases South Tucson will transport someone suspected of being in the country illegally, especially if a crowd gathers, Lackey said.
The department is the first to be legally challenged over how it’s implementing SB 1070’s so-called “show me your papers” provision, which went into effect in September 2012. The provision requires police officers to try to check the immigration status of someone they detain for another reason if they suspect the person is in the country illegally.
In a letter the American Civil Liberties Union sent to South Tucson in November, it alleged that Alejandro Valenzuela – a 23-year-old activist with the Southside Worker Center – was “subjected to unreasonable seizure based on his actual or perceived race and ethnicity” and detained for no reason other than to check his immigration status and to transport him to federal authorities.
Police initially talked to Valenzuela when he showed up at a domestic-violence investigation involving one of his friends, and they asked him not to interfere. Officers then asked for his identification while he was sitting in the passenger seat of a nearby parked car.
Though they didn’t charge him with a state or local crime, South Tucson police drove Valenzuela first to their offices, then to Border Patrol headquarters. There, he was detained for about five hours until someone was able to bring documents showing his eligibility for the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program.
The city is negotiating with the ACLU to try to avoid litigation, said South Tucson’s attorney, Andrea de Castillo, who also has an independent immigration law practice.
Lackey couldn’t speak about the claim, but he said South Tucson officers “don’t mess with undocumented people unless they have to.” That makes the department one of the most lenient in dealing with illegal immigration issues, he said.
He couldn’t substantiate that statement with numbers because the department is only now working on a system to classify incidents of this type. When the Arizona Daily Star requested cases where officers had referred people to the Border Patrol, the department could provide only one record for a three-year period.
on a nickname basis
Since he took over as chief more than a year ago, Lackey has worked to improve public perceptions of police.
He launched a “revisit” program in which officers follow up with people they come in contact with, especially crime victims, and document those visits. He also bought two electric golf carts for day-shift officers to use to make themselves more approachable.
Officer Yvonne Billotte can often be found waving from the seat of a golf cart. Building community relationships is what she is all about.
During a recent shift, her first stop was at Food City to check up on an employee who was assaulted by shoplifters the previous night.
“Hello! Good morning, my dear,” she greeted an employee at the grocery store. “How is he doing? Is his jaw still bothering him?”
The employee who was assaulted was not there, but she gave a co-worker a victim’s rights card and told him to call her any time.
“Bye, hon — see you later!” she called as she accelerated.
For her, the recipe for a good relationship between the community and police is treating people with dignity and respect, just as her father, also a police officer, taught her. SB 1070 worries the 12-year department veteran, for whom South Tucson residents have an array of nicknames ranging from “Red” to “Lolly.”
“My biggest concern with 1070 is that it takes someone who is not documented and makes him the perfect victim because they are now afraid to report crime, and it destroys that relationship with us,” she said.
Billotte keeps that in mind as she patrols the 1.5 square miles of South Tucson, waving at every neighbor and every kid playing outside, pausing especially to ask the city’s eldest residents how they are doing.
“I always tell people: ‘I don’t care about your immigration status,’” she said. “What I care about is people not being victimized.”
Required viewing
Arizona law-enforcement officers were required to watch a training video created by AZPOST, the state’s peace-officer certification board, before SB 1070 went into effect.
The video contains a list of factors officers can use to develop reasonable suspicion that a person is in the country illegally — a threshold that, if met, now requires a call to immigration authorities.
Among the factors: not speaking English, not having a U.S.-issued ID card, wearing multiple layers and carrying a backpack.
But South Tucson has lots of homeless people who often don’t have IDs and often carry backpacks. It also is home to families who have been in the United States for generations but have members who don’t speak English.
“Everyone is so concerned with the negative aspects of the law that they are not looking at (the actions of) individual agencies or officers,” Billotte said. “The longer we keep telling people all officers want to deport you, the longer we allow for these people to be potentially victimized.”
The department saw a drop in the number of calls it received after SB 1070 took effect, a trend Lackey said he’s trying to reverse.
But repairing the trust damaged by SB 1070 will take a lot of effort, said Raúl Alcaraz-Ochoa, a local activist and spokesman for the Protection Network Coalition, formed to support people who are at risk of being deported because of the law.
The group’s ultimate goal is to end what it calls “poli-migra,” the close cooperation between local police and Border Patrol. But Alcaraz-Ochoa acknowledges that could take a while.
In the meantime, he wants to continue pushing for local policy changes — among them, police no longer questioning passengers about their immigration status, and citing and releasing drivers with questionable immigration status if they are stopped for a minor traffic violation.
Skewed relationships
Although Tucson’s City Council and police chief have vocally opposed SB 1070, they’ve been slow to respond to local demands for clearer policies.
Of Southern Arizona agencies, the Tucson Police Department has gotten the loudest public criticism for how it interpreted and implemented SB 1070 — yet it took the scene of the October protest for activists’ recommendations to begin to gain traction.
The City Council held a study session in November about the law’s effects on community trust and how police can comply in a way that does the least damage.
SB 1070 “puts local law enforcement in positions they shouldn’t be in; it puts us at odds with elements in our community,” TPD Chief Roberto Villaseñor said. “It’s not the relationship we want to have with the community.”
After the meeting, he tweaked the agency’s policies to emphasize that officers focus on suspects, not the immigration status of victims or witnesses; require the presence of a parent or guardian to question a juvenile on immigration status; and try to find alternatives to towing a vehicle when possible.
Activists urge clearer directives and blanket prohibitions on immigration checks in other scenarios, but Villaseñor told a crowd during a forum in January that the department can’t go further than it already it has without risking a lawsuit.
TPD is one of just a few agencies that interpreted SB 1070 to require an immigration-status check on everyone arrested — regardless of whether an officer suspects unauthorized status — because Villaseñor is afraid of being seen as too lax. Of the departments the Star reviewed, it had the most extensive SB 1070 training program.
But that’s not the answer to illegal immigration, Villaseñor said. The way he sees it, the solution to the challenges posed by SB 1070 is comprehensive reform, not more police action.
“We want the people who are here illegally, who are involved in criminal activity, to be deported — no question,” he said. “But to make us pseudo agents of federal immigration, I don’t think that’s right.”

Sunday, March 2, 2014

Israeli defense firm wins $145 million contract from US Department of Homeland Security.

            
03/02/2014 15:55              
mexico border
The Arizona-Mexico border fence near Naco, Arizona. Photo: REUTERS
Israeli defense firm Elbit has been awarded a $145 million contract by the US Department of Homeland Security to construct a series of surveillance towers on Arizona's border with Mexico, the company announced on Sunday.
The project, called Integrated Fixed Tower Project (IFT), will see security posts equipped with radars and cameras that can detect human movement spring up along the American state's southern frontier. The work will be carried out by Elbit's US subsidiary, Elbit Systems of America, which is based at Fort Worth, Texas.
Construction of the towers will take around a year, the company said.
It declined to provide further details.
Last week, Arizona Senator John McCain released a statement welcoming the contract.
"Arizonans have been waiting more than a decade for the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to place the needed technology along our border to support the Border Patrol and fully secure our Southern border," he said.
"After many months of delay, the awarding of this contract to Elbit Systems of America is an important development toward fully securing the border in Arizona. If this technology is developed, integrated and fielded correctly, these Integrated Fixed Towers in Southern Arizona, coupled with the tremendous work of the Border Patrol, will give our agents the ability to detect, evaluate, and respond to all illegal entries crossing our border," McCain stated.
"The American people have long expected us to secure our borders. The awarding of this contract is a step in the right direction," he added.
In May, the US-based Defense News website reported that "the IFT program is an ambitious attempt to install a series of surveillance towers along the US/Mexico border. The idea is to deploy a series of networked, integrated fixed towers equipped with radar and cameras that will 'be able to detect a single, walking, average-sized adult' at a range of 5 miles to 7.5 miles during day or night, while sending close to real-time video footage back to agents manning a command post." Defense News added that the IFT program comes after a previous border security program, called the Secure Border initiative (SBI), was cancelled in 2011 despite the government spending $1 billion over the course of six years. That effort that saw just 53 miles of the 389-mile border covered by the program, the report said.
In his statement last week, McCain vowed to "make certain we do not have another mistake like the SBInet project that set back for years the deployment of needed technology."