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Thursday, July 20, 2017

Hablas Spanglish

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AMHERST, Mass. — When I arrived at the San Juan airport in Puerto Rico recently, the first thing I heard was this exchange:
“Cómo estás, brother?”
“Muy cool!”
“Y la situación?”
“Ya tú sabes, stinky.”
(Or, roughly, “How are you?” “Really cool.” “How are things?” and “You know, stinky.”)
During that visit, evidence of Puerto Rico’s deep recession was everywhere to be seen: foreclosure signs, empty storefronts, closed public schools and a growing homeless population. Facing $123 billion in debt and pension obligations, the government is seeking bankruptcy relief in federal court.
Depending on whom you asked, either doomsday had finally arrived or this was just another hiccup in the long-suffering island’s history. It is estimated that between 2010 and 2015, 7 percent of the entire population moved to the United States. Naturally, Puerto Ricans were sharply divided on how to resolve the crisis. But one thing united everyone: the eloquent Spanglish used to communicate the collective dismay.
Indeed, it takes any traveler no time to recognize that on the island such “code-switching” is truly democratic. No matter where one goes, Spanglish makes no distinction in terms of age, class or ethnicity. I heard it en la marketa (in the market), en la guagua (on the bus) and en el bloque (on the block). I heard Spanglish constantly on the radio in salsa, bomba, plena and reggaeton lyrics. And I saw it in the ubiquitous graffiti, which, more than in any other place I’ve been in the Spanish-speaking world, seem to favor double-entendres.
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Nightlife in the Santurce neighborhood of San Juan, Puerto Rico. The island has developed a thriving version of Spanglish. CreditVictor J. Blue for The New York Times
Puerto Rican Spanglish didn’t just pop up out of the blue. It has been around since the Spanish-American War of 1898. Or, more concretely, since President Woodrow Wilson signed the Jones-Shafroth Act in 1917, when the island entered the colonial conundrum that keeps it upended. But in times of trouble, “la lengua misma te ayuda a bregar” (“the tongue itself helps you out”). I overheard this dialogue outside a restaurant:
“Vas al coffee break ahora?”
“No, porque si no doy overtime el boss me coge.”
“Careful y tómatelo suave.”Are you going on a coffee break now?” “No, because if I don’t work overtime, my boss gets mad at me.” “Careful, take it easy.”)
Just as Puerto Rico Spanglish isn’t altogether new, the island isn’t the only ecosystem where this hybrid form of communication thrives. The United States-Mexican border is another fertile ground, although its Spanglish has a distinct vocabulary and different syntactic characteristics. Just as there are many varieties of Spanish in Hispanic countries — Argentine Spanish is different from Mexican, Colombian, Venezuelan, Cuban and so on — in the last 100 years or more, Spanglish has evolved sufficiently to establish an assortment of distinct, clearly defined types. Dominicanish, Cubonics, Tex-Mex and Chicano Spanglish in California need to be understood on their own terms.
Within those nationally defined groups, young people use Spanglish differently from their elders, just as immigrants use a type of Spanglish that is unlike the Spanglish spoken by second-generation Latinos. There is even a palpable difference between Puerto Rican Spanglish and Nuyorican, the Spanglish spoken by Puerto Ricans on the mainland. Each of these varieties is infused with a unique lexicon, accent and even style — “su propio revolú,” its own ruckus.
For a long time, purists have sought to stop the spread of Spanglish. They have described it as a pest, looking for ways to “correct” its speakers’ uncivilized parlance. For instance, in 1991 the Prince of Asturias Award, perhaps the most important cultural award in the Spanish-speaking world, was given to the people of Puerto Rico, “whose representative authorities, with exemplary decisiveness, have declared Spanish to be the only official language of the country.”
Likewise, the 2014 edition of the dictionary published by the Royal Spanish Academy, the watchdog of Spanish language usage, included 19,000 “Americanisms,” which are terms used by Latin American speakers of Spanish. A large percentage of those words are “Anglicisms” because they come from English. Common examples are “congresional” (congressional), “dron” (drone) and “nube informática” (iCloud).
What makes this edition of the dictionary a source of ridicule on Puerto Rico in particular is that just a few Anglicisms made it in, which means that the island’s parlance still remains largely beyond the purview of the academics who put together the lexicon. Buddy is “el broki.” And an invoice is “el cheque.” These simple terms aren’t registered in the prestigious lexicon, which means the joyful, exuberant Puerto Rican tongue was ignored.
It is time we stop this condescending approach to Spanglish. Puerto Ricans are proof of the durability of the phenomenon. In fact, we must see Spanglish as a new language. While it’s still not standardized, millions of speakers use it every day, creating their own syntactic rules. Looking down at them as barbarous speaks tons.
Curiously, while enjoying every sound San Juan had to offer, I kept on thinking of Yiddish, another “bastardized” tongue. Yiddish started as a mix of German and Hebrew, to which all sorts of other elements have been added over the centuries. At first it was spoken by women and children, so it was looked down upon by Talmudists and the educated elite as unworthy of serious consideration. But by the 19th century, Yiddish writers like Sholem Aleichem, author of “Tevye and His Daughters,” on which the Broadway musical “Fiddler on the Roof” was based, became best-selling authors. And in 1978, Isaac Bashevis Singer, among the most important writers of the 20th century, received the Nobel Prize in Literature for bringing the “universal human condition to life” in Yiddish.
Spanglish is transitioning from the oral to the written form, as novels, plays, movies, poetry, TV shows, translations, sermons and speeches are delivered in it. And it is already defining the future of the Americas. I will not be surprised if a Nobel is given in the next few decades to a Spanglish author whose oeuvre will need to be translated into Spanish and English to be fully understood by non-Spanglish speakers.
During my visit to San Juan, a performance artist assured me that U.F.O.s, if they ever land on the planet, would probably choose this island. He said it was unlikely that extraterrestrials would visit epicenters like Washington or other United States cities because they would get the executive order forbidding their entrance. In Puerto Rico, on the other hand, they will feel most welcome. They will also have a chance to appreciate the audacity of the population: “No hay money, time runs muy slow, but hey, la gente es super cool.”
Continue reading the main story
Continue reading the main story

Friday, July 14, 2017

El Peso Mexicano se recupera




           Baja dólar 10 centavos, a $17.85



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Wednesday, July 12, 2017

El Mal De México....

El mal en México: narco, demonios y mega exorcismos
A renglón seguido por José Carlos G. Aguiar


La idea de que el diablo anda suelto ha estado ya rondando por algunos años. Mientras que los muertos caen y se suman cada día, mostrando la brutalidad de la violencia en México, la corrupción, injusticia, criminalidad, y el colapso de las instituciones se han convertido en el día a día. Grupos conservadores de la iglesia católica hablan de una presencia demoniaca, mientras que los narcos le hacen promesas y ofrendas a satanás para protegerse de sus enemigos y asegurar así el éxito.
Desde la década de 1980 circulaban por México rumores sobre rituales satánicos de narcos pidiéndole protección y éxito al ángel del mal. Se decía que los traficantes realizaban sacrificios humanos como ofrenda. Sin embargo, en ese tiempo en el que los medios de comunicación estaban controlados por el estado, no había evidencia concreta sobre las ofrendas, y el rumor permaneció como una especie de mito urbano. Hasta ahora.
Aunque la imagen del diablo ha estado presente en la cultura popular mexicana de diferentes maneras, como por ejemplo en las figuras del nacimiento o el juego de la lotería, hay hoy en día nuevos registros del demonio en México, que le dan un significado y función distintas a las fuerzas del mal.
El diablo sale a la calle
En los últimos años, y después de que la ‘guerra contra el narco’ fuera lanzada por el presidente Felipe Calderón, ha comenzado a aparecer la imagen del diablo en lugares inesperados. En mercados populares, yerberías y altares callejeros junto a las imágenes de La Guadalupana, San Judas Tadeo, la Santa Muerte y Malverde, se ha incorporado ahora el diablo como ‘santo popular’ al que se le hacen ofrendas. Gente de ‘fina figura’ (es decir, narcotraficantes) le pide favores y es devota del diablo.
Las imágenes que representan al diablo resaltan no sólo porque materializa el mal, sino también porque exhiben un pene descomunal en erección. En un país como México con una violencia expansiva y mortal de género y homofobia, no deja de ser revelador y al mismo tiempo escalofriante que la masculinidad sea representada como una fuerza del mal. El diablo es el protector de los narcos, y su poder del mal se manifiesta a través de la fuerza masculina de los hombres, la de su sexo, para hacerlos así unos “chingones”.
Se han construido incluso capillas dedicadas a satanás, como el “Santuario del Angelito Negro” en Pachuca. Al recinto se entra por un largo pasillo oscuro, que genera algo de misterio pero sobre todo la impresión de haber bajado al inframundo, de entrar al infierno. El santuario emula más bien una cueva: el espacio es reducido, casi no tiene iluminación, y el aire apenas corre. Al fondo se encuentra una vitrina de cristal tenuemente iluminada con una luz roja, donde se resguardan imágenes del Angelito Negro.
El angelito está vestido inequívocamente de norteño, vinculándolo así a la mitología del narco, y se encuentra sentado en un trono; sus manos tienen garras en lugar de dedos, con las que sostiene billetes de dólares. La imagen corresponde a Satanás, y la gente viene a adorarlo, a pedirle favores o pagar mandas. En el santuario se realizan trabajos espirituales como limpias y trabajos negros, pero también espiritistas, estableciendo contacto con los muertos y manejando a los espíritus.
El Angelito Negro es popular entre narcotraficantes que vienen de diferentes estados del país, como Michoacán, a pedirle que les ayude. Los devotos le hacen ofrendas valiosas de dinero y oro; pero ellos saben que el diablo da pero también quita. Y que al diablo se le paga con dinero pero también con la vida.
El exorcismo magno
El 20 de mayo 2015 tuvo lugar en la catedral de San Luis Potosí el primer exorcismo magno en México. Los medios de comunicación hablaron de un “mega exorcismo” para liberar al país del mal, la violencia, y que los ciudadanos se dejen de matar entre ellos. México es hoy en día el país con el mayor número de exorcismos del mundo. Para muchos católicos, la violencia es una señal de la influencia del mal y del demonio sobre el país.
El grupo de exorcistas y sacerdotes fue encabezado por el Cardenal Juan Sandoval Iñiguez, arzobispo emérito de Guadalajara. El exorcismo fue preparado por el padre español Jose Antonio Fortea, quien se ha especializado en el estudio del demonio. El ritual está basado en la noción de que es posible expeler a un demonio de un creyente, pero también de un espacio geográfico, de un territorio, como un país.
El exorcismo magno iba primero a tener lugar en la Basílica de Guadalupe en la Ciudad de México, por su simbología. Pero luego de que se filtrara la información a los medios, se decidió hacerlo en la catedral de San Luis Potosí. Durante el exorcismo, se hizo un recorrido por el interior de la catedral, y se hicieron ritos en los cuatro puntos cardinales con el fin de expeler los demonios del territorio mexicano. Sólo estuvo un periodista católico presente, y los medios informaron sobre el exorcismo semanas después de haber tenido lugar. Un par de meses más tarde, el padre Fortea hizo un segundo exorcismo, pero éste no trascendió a los medios.
Pero si alguien pensaba que las imágenes religiosas comenzaron a llorar sangre durante el exorcismo, o que los demonios se manifestaron de forma paranormal, nada está más lejos de la realidad. Según el padre Fortea, el mundo espiritual es invisible. De hecho, él nunca ha visto un demonio, y asegura que el resultado del exorcismo no es inmediato:
“Ciertamente estoy convencido que si un exorcismo tiene efecto sobre una persona, un exorcismo sobre un area también tiene efecto. Aunque no lo notemos. El demonio va a ser expulsado; no todos, algunos sí. Para mí la invocación del demonio tiene efectos, y la parte contraria, del bien, la oración, también.”
¿Mexico sin mal?
La visibilidad de la adoración del demonio hoy en día en México, junto con la organización de exorcismos, son parte de un mismo proceso. Ambas son formas radicales para ordenar y darle sentido a la espiral de violencia, injusticia e impunidad por la que atraviesa el país. Mientras unos buscan fuerzas en el lado oscuro del mal, otros ven en los exorcismos la solución a un problema institucional y del estado de derecho en el que se encuentra sumergido México.

Wednesday, June 28, 2017

To My Undocumented Friend, You Are Here To Stay

To my undocumented friend, you are important. You are loved. You are appreciated. Your heart is bigger and stronger than all of the insults and names this country calls you. This world belongs to all its creatures, and therefore, immigrating does not make you a criminal, it makes you human. A resident of your own world. Our desire to live made us cross borders and swim across oceans. Some of us would rather die trying than to die at the hands of our own. We never imagined a future outside the soil that birthed us, but that very same soil has been poisoned since it was stolen. They expect us to prosper in the land they tainted with our blood. You have overcome the unexpected and survived the unthinkable. You moved to a new country with nothing but the clothes on your back, and that is admirable and worthy of praise. It takes special people to endure hate and poverty, yet still love others around them. You are strength. If they come for you, keep your head up high for you have done more for this world than those who hold you captive. Someday, they will pay for not seeing us as human beings ― as their brothers and sisters. For believing they are better than us because of the pigment of their skin. Someday, we won’t live in fear. A piece of paper has not stopped us before and it won’t stop us now. Stand tall for you are not a burden on this country, you are one of its greatest treasures. Your presence brings more than labor to this nation. You bring humility, culture, generations of resilience and love. Someday, we will no longer have to validate our own existence. Someday, they will know our worth. Walk firm and never look down. May your words express your pride and your actions show what you’re made off. Hold your loved ones tight and love them everyday. Let them love you back. I don’t know what will happen to us in the next four years, all I know is that I am proud to belong to our community. I am who I am today because of you. Together, we will survive because we are here to stay.

Thursday, March 12, 2015

Y ahora Univison despide a su conductor por un comentario racista


Actors in blackface makeup are used during coverage of the World Cup. The broadcasting company says it's just a harmless spoof, but commentators say Mexico as a whole is in denial about racism.

Reporting from Mexico City — Every morning during television coverage of the World Cup, on the Mexican equivalent of the "Today" show, co-hosts chat, trade barbs and yuck it up. Behind them, actors in blackface makeup, dressed in fake animal skins and wild "Afro" wigs, gyrate, wave spears and pretend to represent a cartoonish version of South Africa.
Yes, in the 21st century, blackface characters on a major television network.
But this is Mexico, and definitions of racism are complicated and influenced by the country's own tortured relationship with invading powers and indigenous cultures.
Many Mexicans will say they are not racist and that very little racism exists in Mexico, a nation, after all, of mestizos, who are of European and indigenous blood.
As proof, they point to the fact that slavery was ended in Mexico decades before it was abolished in the United States, and that Mexico never institutionalized racism the way the U.S. did with its segregationist laws that lasted into the 1960s.
It is true that Mexico was even seen as a refuge for some American blacks. Poet Langston Hughes did some of his earliest writing while living briefly with his father in Mexico, where the older man had gone to escape discrimination.
But the full truth is that racism is alive and well in Mexico. It is primarily directed at indigenous communities who account for as many as 11.3 million people, or roughly 10% of the national population. The indigenous remain disproportionately mired in poverty and denied work, political access, education and other rights.
And there is a smaller community of black Mexicans, Afro Mexicanos, many descendants of slaves first brought to the region by Spanish conquerors in the 16th century.
Often referred to by academics as the "third race" and concentrated in the coastal states of Veracruz, Oaxaca and Guerrero, they have been fighting for years for recognition as a distinct ethnic group, to be included in history books and to be given opportunities to transcend poverty.
"Racism in Mexico is covered up," said Ricardo Bucio, head of the National Council for the Prevention of Discrimination, which has protested the blackface TV caricatures. "There is a lot of denial about it."
Or, as columnist Katia D'Artigues once put it: "Although subtle, discrimination has become something invisible in our society. We no longer see it, or we consider it normal!"
Still, in Mexico and other parts of Latin America, people operate with a different comfort level when it comes to physical attributes. It remains common for Mexicans to use nicknames like "Chino" for someone with almond-shaped eyes, "Negrito" for someone with dark skin, "Gordo" (Fatso) for a plump person.
These terms are jarring when seen through the prism of U.S. sensibilities, but here they are usually used in a context of affection and friendship.
The issue of racism in Mexico exploded a few years back when then-President Vicente Fox, in what was meant to be a defense of Mexican immigration to the United States, told a U.S. audience that Mexican immigrants were necessary because they performed the jobs that "not even blacks" wanted to do.
He had to apologize and receive a visit from Jesse Jackson to atone. As the furor died down, another popped up when Mexico printed postage stamps that commemorated a well-known comic-book character from the 1950s, Memin Pinguin. The character is a black boy drawn with exaggerated features. It was seen as racist by many in the U.S. who demanded Mexico withdraw the stamps; many in Mexico, including several leftist intellectuals, defended Memin Pinguin as a beloved part of Mexican culture. (Withdrawing the stamps became a moot point when they sold out within hours of going on market.)
The people at Televisa, Mexico's preeminent broadcasting company, say they mean absolutely no harm with the blackface characters on their morning chat show. It's just a spoof, they say, a humorous segment when the news is over but the day's World Cup match hasn't yet started, and shouldn't be taken seriously. After all, one of the co-hosts is a green-haired clown. More "Saturday Night Live" than "Good Morning America."
The ratings, by the way, are through the roof, Televisa adds.
For Friday's game between Holland and Brazil, viewers in Mexico, minutes after the morning dose of blackface, saw the two teams read a pledge against discrimination and parade with a huge banner that said: "No to racism."

Monday, February 23, 2015

LAS MUJERES DEL MAR

Las-Mujeres-Del-Mar





From the banks overlooking Morúa Estuary on the outskirts of Puerto Peñasco, Mexico, Francisca Luna gazes out at the rows of stacked trays anchored in mudflats to bolster the life cycle of oysters wrapped inside.
It’s a balmy Saturday morning and Luna has just arrived at the open-air restaurant where she and other women sell the oysters they cultivate in the water. She squints in the bright sun as she tries to assess whether it is prime time to don her rubber boots and plunge into the lagoon. After brief contemplation, she decides to wait.
“The water is still high,” she says, almost in a whisper.
Luna’s sturdy frame slips past a ramada and into a narrow kitchen where her sister, Rosario Luna Javalera, shucks oysters over a big sink. Nearby, Francisca’s daughter, Angélica Medina, chops onions and chile peppers. Luna dives into a supply basket to retrieve crackers, condiments, and napkins. The crew’s daily ritual of preparing to serve the oysters nears completion.
“Let’s hope for a good day, girls,” Luna says, then rectifies. “It’s going to be a good day.”
The trio belongs to a women’s cooperative that for three decades has farmed oysters in the estuary just a few miles south of the heart of the town known in English as Rocky Point, which is about 60 miles south of the U.S.-Mexico border. The women’s enterprise is among the oldest oyster-farming ventures in Sonora, a leading producer of the shellfish. Pacific oysters (Crassostrea gigas) are the species most commonly produced in the state.
One of seven oyster farms in the region, the Women of the Sea cooperative has the distinction of being the first established by an all-female membership.
In Puerto Peñasco, residents refer to the cooperative simply as Las Mujeres, or The Women. Luna is one of the original 118 members who staked out a place in the estuary back in the early 1980s, when the beach resort that hugs the Sea of Cortez was still an isolated fishing village few Americans had discovered.
Whole families are involved in the cooperative, including kids.
Whole families are involved in the cooperative, including kids.

Through the years, the back-breaking labor that is seeding, sorting, and cleaning oysters tested many members who chose to leave. Some left because of the unpredictable nature of trying to make a living growing oysters, others over apprehension about the staying power of the cooperative. The physical rigors of the job, which requires standing in water for hours at a time, also forced members out. Nowadays, six hardy women comprise the cooperative. Most rely on family members—including some males—to lend a helping hand.
“Growing oysters comes with many challenges,” says Maria Isabel Cervantes, the president of the cooperative. “It’s not for everybody.”
In the beginning, oyster mortality posed the greatest threat; cultivating the bivalve mollusks is risky because they are vulnerable to natural forces. But the mid-1990s ushered in a boom in growth that began to transform the town into a coveted tourist destination. Pristine beaches and teeming fisheries beckoned vacationers from both sides of the border. The wetlands became increasingly attractive to developers as new luxury houses and resorts took shape all around.
Sitting behind the wheel of her work truck one early afternoon, the soft-spoken Cervantes is not in the mood to recall legal battles waged to defend the women’s livelihood. She would rather talk about how the women are working to boost oyster production and obtain organic certification from the government. Someday, she says, the cooperative would like to export oysters to the United States.
From her vantage point on the shoreline, Cervantes points toward a wooden structure that stands half-built next to the restaurant up above. When completed, it will serve as a lab where the women will grow their own oyster seed, or larvae. The idea is to reduce the millions they buy from hatcheries each year to stock their operation.
“We will start small and, little by little, add more of the seeds we raise ourselves,” she adds.
All the women will be trained to handle the lab work, while continuing to care for oysters in the trays that stay in the water for months at a time, feeding on plankton and algae as they grow.
At “El Barco” Restaurant, the taste for oysters is cultivated early; Natividad Hernandez watches over her daughter.
At “El Barco” Restaurant, the taste for oysters is cultivated early; Natividad Hernandez watches over her daughter.

Luna was in her mid-20s when she attended the first workshop on cultivating oysters after a friend told her about the nascent cooperative. She was an unemployed, single mother who had moved to Puerto Peñasco from Sinaloa state after the death of her husband.
Luna knew little about oyster farming, but she quickly seized on the new opportunity and set out to learn the trade.
“It’s intense labor,” she says. “But I’m grateful I came across the cooperative when I needed a job the most.”
Though her earnings are unpredictable because they depend on a variable rate of oyster mortality each season, Luna says she makes enough to raise her family’s standard of living and put two of her four children—three girls and a boy—through college. Luna’s second-oldest daughter chose to work alongside her mother and aunt.
The job has allowed Luna to be her own boss and, when her children were growing up, to bring them along to work and keep watch over them.
Compared to more than 30 years ago, when Luna and the other women farmed oysters without running water, the operation has come a long way, she says, wiping down kitchen counters before heading outside again. She jumps into her pick-up truck and drives to a shack overflowing with old boxes, foam squares, and plastic trays. Before she owned a car, Luna and her kids often slept in the darkened, closet-sized dwelling because transportation in and out of the estuary was hard to find.
“We spent a lot of weekends here,” she recalls.
On the shore a few minutes later, Luna unloads her gear from the back of the truck, puts on her rubber boots and long apron, wades through the water, and pulls out a tray full of oysters fit for consumption. She dips the heavy tray in the water forcefully, again and again, rinsing off the sediment covering shells. By the time she’s finished selecting and washing out the nearly 500 oysters she needs for the restaurant, Luna’s breathing has turned heavy. Tiny sweat drops on her forehead glisten in the sun as her ungloved, swollen hands carefully pick through the hundred in the last tray retrieved.
“These are ready,” she says, holding up one of the delicacies she would soon prepare for her customers.
Las-Mujeres-Del-Mar
Oysters grow from larvae in these stacked trays, which sit in the warm, shallow waters of the estuary.

Oyster farmers like Luna know about patience. It can take a year, and sometimes longer, for an oyster to reach maturity. Cooperative members plant seed at different intervals to produce oysters year-round.
The Intercultural Center for the Study of Deserts and Oceans, known as CEDO for its Spanish acronym, holds up the women’s enterprise as a model for responsible use of the estuary because of its low impact on the fragile ecosystem. Oysters act as natural filters, improving the quality of the water as they grow.
The nonprofit works with the women and other area oyster farmers to promote conservation of wetlands replete with crabs, octopus, snails, and dozens of bird species. The critters and plants that inhabit the estuary also grace the women’s restaurant in the form of a mural that University of Arizona students painted some years ago.
The center, which has an office in Tucson, long has encouraged oyster farmers to participate in ecotourism activities that can boost their business income and keep developers at bay.
“We go out there often with class groups and researchers that are coming to the area,” says Peggy Turk Boyer, the center’s director.
She and other conservationists are working to revive a dormant ecotourism corridor that in past years sought to connect visitors with the women’s cooperative and other local enterprises. The project had been going strong until the mid-2000s, when the economy crumbled and safety worries about Mexico travel kept tourists away.
The project stalled because “it has been really unclear where tourism was going,” she says. “But it seems like it’s picking up now.”
Back in the kitchen, Luna’s sister has finished her shift and gone home. It is Luna’s turn to shuck oysters, a skill she mastered long ago. She cups a hand over each oyster, jabs a short knife between its two shells and, in a swift motion, pries it open. For optimum freshness, Luna shucks oysters as orders come in. Her daughter prepares oyster plates. The women also serve fish tacos and ceviche, but raw oysters on the half shell are by far the most popular item on the menu.
It is late morning and a few customers start to trickle in. Off in the distance, tour guide Abraham Meza, who works for CEDO, explores the estuary with a Phoenix family. The group’s last stop is the restaurant, where some sample raw and steamed oysters. Medina walks out to the ramada and shares a bit of history about the women’s cooperative.
Around lunchtime, Luna’s two other daughters and their children burst into the restaurant, breaking the relative quiet with boisterous conversation and laughter. The kids soon scurry out of the room to frolic in the sand, as their mothers had done as girls.
Luna’s youngest daughter, 30-year-old Rosalba Corral, recalls spending a good part of her childhood in the estuary. “I’ve always loved it here,” she says.
She and her oldest sister, Silvia Medina, especially liked playing with their other siblings in the bony hull of a vessel that had washed ashore and become a landmark in the estuary. Later, in a nod to the old shipwreck, the women named their restaurant El Barco.
With full-time jobs and children to rear, Corral and her sister mostly drop by the estuary on weekends when their mother runs the restaurant. They help out, they chat, they eat together. On this Saturday, the family feasts on oysters and manta ray tacos.
By midafternoon, the tables under the ramada are emptying out. The last customers are leaving. Inside, Luna’s children and grandchildren are kissing her goodbye.
The grandmother looks tired, but content. Luna and her second-born daughter, Angélica Medina, take advantage of the lull in business to clean up.
“Not a bad day so far,” Luna says.
Lourdes Medrano is a Tucson writer who covers stories on both sides of the border. Follow her @_lourdesmedrano

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